I've been working on a short of history of history. It's an ambitious project, but a delight to research. Not sure what form it will take in the end, but I'm first writing it as a sort of narrative. Here's the Epics through Positivism. Pre-history and the rest to follow later.
A Short History of History - Part I
History, of course, begins with memory, with the eclipse of memory. What we now regard as fickle, protean, thoroughly subjective, was once the guarantor of the past. Heritage was sung. The power of memory delivered the epics across time and secured the transmission of cultural identity. Sometime around the 7th century B.C.E., the displacement of the rhapsodes began. The rise of literacy introduced a culture based on the manuscript rather than the epic. Memory, which had been the medium of culture, the reflection of nature's creative power in man, was instrumentalized. Mnemonic exercises were developed to increase one's ability to recall stories and facts for purely rhetorical purposes. Set down in writing, the past no longer needed memory to survive.
The modern reader will sympathize with Herodotus, who's histories sought to uncover the obscure causes of lengthy and costly wars. That these accounts should also include histories of the "barbarian" cultures - the non-Greeks who's language, to the Greek ear, sounded like "bar, bar, bar" - is even more complementary to a modern sensibility. Herodotus' desire to cast light on the strange customs of foreigners seems to suggest a latent spirit of tolerance, that thoroughly modern virtue. However, whether or not we find our values reflected in the principles which ground the Histories, we'll likely find nothing familiar in the method of historical inquiry it demonstrates. For Herodotus, the atomic unit of history was the story, as was the true of the epic before it. The Histories are a collection of stories passed down over generations and compared one to another by the author to find consistency and exclude what appears apocryphal or derivative, the contingencies of transmission. Though still tied through these stories to the protean forms of oral culture, Herodotus exercises rigor and care in evaluating the narratives he has received. The first historian regarded history as an endless empirical inquiry into the past, its horizon forever receding.
Among the Romans, history realized its full didactic and rhetorical potential. The Roman "art of history" (ars historica) leveraged the power of history to persuade and inspire an audience. History's "lessons" were typically political-nationalist or moral-exemplarist. In the case of the latter, history was understood to be the education of the human race - a belief which recalls Cicero's declaration that to remain ignorant of history is always to remain a child. This view of history diverges significantly from that which came before it. Rather than narrative, the essence of history was rational, didactic. Some three hundred years prior, Aristotle suggested this revaluation by contrasting poetry and history and arguing that the latter stands in relation to philosophy as the particular to the general. This distinction was later simplified by Dionysius of Halicarnassus who wrote that history is, "philosophy teaching by example." History no longer derived its meaning from the contours of narrative form, but from the reason which was held within it. History was more than heritage, it was a riddle posed to humanity. The historian and the scholar proffered an answer.
In Christendom history maintained its didactic character, but its course was set within the overarching providential design of Judaism. The narrative of the Fall of Man foregrounded what had been a widespread belief among ancient cultures in a primordial golden age, lost to the progression of time. This absent origin was revered and emulated in the present - for example, the Latin liturgy was meant to re-establish the ur-language which existed before the Tower of Babel. But it was understood that the origin could never be fully reclaimed and all attempts to resurrect it would remain symbolic. Accordingly, it was believed that historical time was cyclical, a repeated attempt to recapture a lost harmony which manifested itself in the rise and fall of nations, the ebb and flow of human affairs. This vision of history provided the framework for St. Augustine's The City of God (427 C.E.). A sense of fatalism pervaded the Christian notion of history which proceeded according to the design of all-knowing Providence. The life of nations, like that of individuals, was seen as a pilgrimage en route to the final judgment.
The rediscovery in the Renaissance of the Roman ars historica provoked a debate, still unresolved, as to wether history should be practiced as an art or a science. In the 16th century, it was already being treated as a science, as historians began to devise "methods" for historical inquiry. Initially, however, these inquiries were meant primarily to serve the sciences of law and society. It wasn't until later in the century that the autonomy of history as a discipline would be established, along with the first histories of history. Yet, despite this effort to formalize historical practice and its status as knowledge, history in the Renaissance maintained a relation to philosophy and metaphysics. Not only did history retain its Providential structure, it took the Platonic injunction to "know thyself" as its motto. In the tradition of the ars historica, history continued to be seen as the education of the human race. Though its method was disciplined, its mystery remained consonant.
In the early Modern period, history was not only be made scientific, but science was made historical. The field of "natural history" organized the forms of organic life into taxonomic categories and collected all knowledge - including the apocrypha of legends and myths - associated with each life-form. At the same time, questions regarding the nature of historical temporality became a focus of debate. Was history a life-form itself, developing organically in the fulfillment of a natural law or purpose? Nascent speculations on history as a linear progression vied with older cyclical notions of the passage of time. The philosopher of history, Giambattista Vico, argued that history was the "course and recourse" of civilizations. The cyclical structure of history, apparently evident in the resurgence of antiquity during the Renaissance, maintained a hold on the historical imagination.
The historians of the modern era abandoned the cyclical notion of history and its attendant fatalism. A belief that humankind fashions its own destiny and, through the progress of knowledge, attains to a more perfect society generated an optimism about the future which would orient most historical thought. The primordial golden age was exchanged for a future utopia and, thus, the shape of time changed from the circle to the ascendent line.
The idea of progress, resulting at least in part from scientific and political breakthroughs in the 17th and 18th centuries, inspired "conjectural" histories accounting for the evident development of mankind. These "world histories" transcended the parochial biblical history without challenging it outright. Thinkers such as J.G. Herder and G.W.F. Hegel proposed philosophies of history which conflated Providence with Reason. Whereas the tradition of ars historica gave history a rational form, these conjectural histories gave history a rational end: the full realization of reason itself. Mankind was not merely educated by history, but driven by it in the pursuit of reason's perfection.
This philosophy of history would be given a more secular, "scientific" casting in the works of Auguste Comte (1798-1857) and Karl Marx (1818-1883). Famously, Marx turned Hegel's philosophy of history upside down by claiming that the progress of history and the development of mankind was the result of material conditions - not the spiritual ascension of Reason - and that class antagonisms were responsible for the dissolution of all prior and future social forms. In contrast, Comte's "positivist" approach argued that history was a physical process that followed set patterns of cultural development. This progressive, organic view of history, which was reinforced by analogy with Darwinian evolution, saw human societies as developing from a theological to a positivist stage where science, as the discovery of verifiable explanations of the correlations between phenomena, would predominate.
Positivism, which clearly descended from the model of natural history, exercised a profound influence over many historians who sought to determine the objective circumstances of the past and deduce the general laws of history thereby. This branch of historical research, exemplified by the work of Leopold von Ranke, disposed completely of the "art of history" and its association with literature and rhetoric. In Ranke's words, the purpose was to discover history "as it actually happened." Despite this strident approach, however, other historians continued to acknowledge that history can only be written from a particular "point of view." Thus, many of Ranke's contemporaries, like Johann Gustav Droysen, regarded history always as a partial insight and, like Herodotus, a matter of endless inquiry.








